No no no no no no, there’s loads of evidence: thousands of hours of videos, testimonies, and photographs. I know that we can’t access any of it yet, but trust me: the mostly unnamed experts got the evidence, they’ve assured us that they got it, and I’m sure that eventually they’ll release all of it to the public, just like the evidence for all those Serbian rape camps and the Viagra‐injected Libyan rapists. Just give them a little more time!
Hitler continued, ‘if we speak of new lands, we are bound to think first of Russia and her border states’.2
His favourite analogy in this connection was a comparison of the future German East with British India.3 To him, India provided an object lesson of colonial exploitation and Machiavellian virtuosity; he used it to buttress his conviction that the population of ‘Germany’s India’ — the Soviet Union — was likewise no more than ‘white slaves’ destined to serve the master race. Characteristic of his landlocked outlook, he proclaimed that Germany’s primary colonies were to be found not overseas but in Russia.4 Along with its manpower, the resources of the East were to assure the material well‐being of the German people.
The British empire remained a crucial point of reference and the German press continued to broadly cover India and Britain’s other colonial possessions.37 Yet the ways in which the [Fascists] referred to it have to be scrutinized. While Hitler, among others, admired the size and grandeur of British overseas possessions, the common notion that the Germans took colonial lessons from the British appears flawed. References to British rule in India are few and far between in planning documents for the settlement of Africa and eastern Europe.38
Perhaps most importantly, British colonialism was seen as a venture from the past. As Hitler explained to his inner circle in August 1941, shortly after the Wehrmacht had invaded the Soviet Union, ‘What India was for England, the territories of Russia will be for us.’39This means that the [Axis] dictator clearly saw Germany as the rightful heir of the British empire — an empire that he wanted to surpass.
Hitler’s Empire: How the Nazis Ruled Europe, pg. 581:
Hitler would have much preferred to have Britain instead of Japan as his partner in Asia. As a colonial power, the British had few greater admirers than the Führer and he often emphasized the harmony of their and German interests. ‘If today the globe has an English world empire,’ he had written in 1928, ‘then for the time being there is also no Volk which, on the grounds of its overall governing qualities as well as its political clear‐headedness, would be more fitted for it . . . There is no reason why England’s enmity against Germany should last forever.’11
His admiration had been shared by others in Germany before him. The mighty British empire had long set the bar for German imperialists, and their view of the causes of its rise to world power was basically the one articulated by many historians today.
‘Record number of bipedal and mammalian sentient lifeforms following the pursuits of civil life possibly being subjected to a process of destruction to the external or internal organs, often accompanied by a feeling of extreme discomfort commonly known as ‘pain’, as a consequence of materials assembled together to produce a combustion that has the effect of burning and damaging other materials in the area in which it disassembles upon detonation during the two thousand and twenty‐third year of the Common Era’
They’re going to enforce this law consistently against Palestine’s sympathizers and enforce it against the neofascists maybe about a couple of times, similarly to what happened in the Weimar Republic, and that’s it. The bourgeois state couldn’t be trusted to eliminate fascism then, and it won’t eliminate neofascism now.
The prohibition on Third Reich symbolism is simply there to give the law a veneer of respectability. No doubt it’ll annoy plenty of neofascists, but at the end of the day it’s no big deal; they can just use other fascist symbols or the national flag (like in that photograph). Look at German neofascists: they’re fine with reusing the Twoth Reich’s flag, which also happened to be the Third Reich’s from 1933–1935.
I can understand being personally opposed to violence, but judging the lower classes for literally fighting their oppressors and intimidators is pretty pointless. It is a historic inevitability.
I’ve talked about this before. It’s the clearest confirmation that Zionists don’t want a dialogue and are incapable of handling serious issues delicately. Jewish anti‐Zionists in particular really complicate Zionist axioms, so Zionists are especially eager to dismiss them as unimportant, antisemitic, or even nonexistent; they can’t handle them any better way.
Me? I can easily content myself with the fact that I’ve done more to educate people on Jewish history than most, maybe even all Zionists have in their lifetimes. Just a couple of months ago I had a telephone conversation with somebody from Never Again Action, and during then I told her that the U.S. had more Axis POWs (425,000) than Jewish refugees (110,000). She almost sounded shocked when she heard that, but she seemed to appreciate me telling her and sometimes it pleasantly surprises me when others don’t already know everything that there is to know about their folk’s history.
I can’t wait to see the post‐apartheid Palestine. The houseless Jews are the likeliest to integrate into Palestinian society since they already have nothing to lose; any racism that they have they’ll outgrow quickly. I’m less sure how the other foreigners could outgrow their extreme racism in a timely fashion, though.
I am planning on making a thread later about abusive parenting before, during, and after the Third Reich, with a link to an examination of Adolf Schicklgruber’s childhood. I’m sure that somebody reading this is going to groan since psychohistory has often been a misleading attempt to explain everything, but my conclusion may surprise you.
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